One crisp fall evening
in 1976 , at Mores Auditorium, Professor Howard Zinn finished his American
History class with details about The Public Service Company of New
Hampshire and their plans to build a nuclear power station on a tiny marsh
in the town of Seabrook. Professor Zinn was one of many New Englanders who
were speaking out against the power station at town meetings, organizing
marches and signing petitions, but the construction started. Local
activists organized the Clamshell Alliance to mobilize the public to stop
the project. ÊMarches became blockades and direct actions became occupation
attempts in October 1979 through May 1980. The eight young people that started Food Not
Bombs were united by the events of May 24, 1980. On that sunny spring day,
over 4,000 activists with the Coalition for Direct Action at Seabrook made
an attempt to occupy the Seabrook Nuclear Power Generating Station , with
the intent of non-violently stopping construction by putting their bodies
in front of the bulldozers. As affinity groups cut holes in the fence
surrounding the construction site, clouds of stinging tear-gas filled the
air. National Guard troops rushed through the fence, beating everyone they
could. Helicopters hovered above as the activists struggled to occupy the
site. The next day, Boston University law student, Brian Feigenbaum, was
arrested for assaulting a police officer, allegedly hitting him with a
grappling hook. Concerned about Brian's legal problems, a core group of
about 30 activists formed to support his legal defense. Out of this effort
grew the collective that started Food Not Bombs. Therefore, this attempted
occupation of Seabrook on May 24, 1980 marks the beginning of the Food Not
Bombs movement.
To raise money for Brian's legal
defense, the collective set up literature tables and sold baked goods
outside of Boston University, and in Harvard Square, but sales were slow.
An idea emerged that street theater might help. They had a poster that
stated, "It will be a great day when our schools get all the money they
need and the air force has to hold a bake sale to buy a B 1 bomber."
The group bought military uniforms at an army surplus store, set the poster
next to their table and pretended to be generals trying to sell baked goods
to buy a bomber. While they didn't sell more brownies and cookies, they
did talk to many more people about Brian's case and the risks of
nuclear power. Eventually, Brian's charges were dropped for lack of
evidence, and the collective had discovered a great way to organize.
With Brian free, the collective
decided to organize its first protest to get the message across that the
financial backing of Seabrook had links to the First National Bank of
Boston. Many of the same people who were on the Board of the Bank, which
was financing the nuke, were also on the Board of the utility that decided
to build the nuke , and many also sat on the Board of the construction
company building it. To the activists, this looked like the business
practices that resulted in the Great Depression. To protest the bank's
decision to pour money into this risky investment, they again used street
theater. The protesters planned to dress as Depression era hobos and set up
a soup line outside the bank's annual stockholders meeting in the
financial district of downtown Boston. The night before, worried that they might not have enough people
to have a soup line, they went to the Pine Street Inn, the largest homeless
shelter downtown, to talk with the homeless about the protest and invited
them for lunch. The next day, the activists set up a soup kitchen in the
plaza outside the Federal Reserve Bank, where the board meeting was being
held, and, to their surprise, over 50 homeless people joined them for
lunch. Many stockholders expressed anger and some laughed at the
protesters. However, the people that lived on the streets excitedly talked
with the servers and invited the public to join them at lunch. Many people
stopped, had a bite to eat, and talked with one another about the reasons
for the protest. Many took the fliers and expressed support. It was an
exhilarating day.
While cleaning the pots and pans, the
protesters decided that distributing food could be a great way to organize
for peace, the environment and social justice. They agreed to quit their
jobs, rent a house and start using food to organize. It wasn't long before
they had rented a house together at 195 Harvard Street, and started a
regular network of food collection and distribution sites. They picked up
muffins and bread at bakeries, produce and tofu at natural food stores, and
surplus stock from the food coops. Each weekday, within hours of collecting
the food, they delivered it to Rose's Place a battered women's shelter,
alcoholic rehabilitation centers, immigrant support centers, and once a
week to most of the housing projects in Cambridge, Somerville and several
in Boston. After making their deliveries, the collective cooked a
vegetarian meal and took it to Harvard Square to share with radical
literature, much of which they collected after moving the New England Free
Press. This Food Not Bombs table became a "little town hall", where people
expressed their ideas and became involved in discussions about current
events. On summer evenings they brought giant puppets and drum sets,
attracting large crowds that introduced the public to the wars in Central
America, and Reagan policies which redirected resources towards military
programs, like Star Wars and the MX Missile Systems. The nights were spent
spray-painting graffiti for peace. Themes included stencils of nuclear
mushroom clouds with the word "Today?", and white outlines of dead
bodies which became the basis for the nationwide "Shadow Project."
Outside grocery stores they painted the slogan, "Money For Food Not
Bombs." Eventually, this was shortened and became the name of the
group. One of the first fliers
published in 1981 by the founders , ended with "the next few years
could profoundly change the world for generations, and Food Not Bombs is
working to make those changes positive for everyone." This
understanding that the world is at a critical time in history, and that
average working people have the responsibility to make the world a better
place, is as true today as it was when Food Not Bombs started.
In the first two years, Food Not
Bombs focused on its literature and food tables, bulk food distribution and
building momentum for the June 12, 1982 action, "March for Nuclear
Disarmament" in New York City. Leading up to this event, Food Not Bombs
co-sponsored, with the Cambridge City Council, three marches against
nuclear arms. On Hiroshima Day, one volunteer burned the Boston phone book
to dramatize that everyone listed would burn in a nuclear attack. In the
fall of 1981, Keith McHenry designed the Food Not Bombs logo with the
carrot and purple fist. The first banner hung above the table at a
Halloween evening protest against Vice President George Bush who was giving
a speak at M.I.T. During this time, one of the most complex events the
Food Not Bombs collective organized, was the "Free Concert for Nuclear
Disarmament " at Sennot Park in Cambridge, in May of 1982. There was
plenty of free food for everyone, and bands representing the ethnic mixture
of Cambridge performed. There was an area with activities for kids of all
ages called "The Land of the Younger Self", artists, crafts people
and local peace and justice groups had tables. It was a great success and
another magical day for Food Not Bombs. Over the next several years, the Food Not Bombs collective also
helped organize direct actions to end the war in El Salvador, including one
where 500 people were arrested for holding a "town meeting " in
the lobby of the Boston Federal Building. Food Not Bombs co-founder Mira
Brown, was with Ben Linder in Nicaragua, when he was killed by US-funded
"contras". They also participated at a sit-in at the Federal Court against
the draft, and they organized the Boston Pee Party, a protest against drug
testing which was mentioned in Abbie Hoffman's book , "Steal this Drug
Test. " Another action they helped organize was a protest against a
"weapons bazaar " at the Howard Johnson 57 Hotel in downtown
Boston. This is an event where U.S. corporations promote the sale of
weapons to the military of other countries. This particular one featured
chemical weapons that were eventually sold to Iraq and used by Saddam
Hussein on the Kurds.
During the mid-80s, Food Not Bombs continued collecting hundreds of pounds
of surplus food everyday. During the week, they would distribute it to area
housing projects, progressive social service agencies, battered
womanŝs shelters and hunger relief agencies. These groups would
receive this food once a week and be responsible for distributing it. In
the afternoons and weekends, Food Not Bombs would cook the food, making
vegetarian meals and setting-up their table in Harvard Square and at
rallies, protests, conferences, and meetings; anywhere activists gathered
and serving free food, distributing literature and collecting donations. The marketing scheme "The Pepsi Challenge" showed up one day next
to the Food Not Bombs table at Brattle Square, setting up a tent and
sharing flat Coke and fizzy Pepsi to blindfolded college students. A
dentist donated a case of small paper cups to Food Not Bombs. Brochures
about the Coca-Cola Company hiring death squads to labor organizers in
Guatemala was added to the literature displayed for visitors. Fruit was put
aside, and Food Not Bombs started the Tofu Challenge offering small cups of
tofu smoothies. "There is more nutrition in this cup of tofu smoothie
than all the Pepsi products in the world!" The tofu Challenge came to
an end when the angry Pepsi employees pulled down their tent, packed up the
soft drinks and rushed away yelling obscenities at the Food Not Bombs
activists. The Boston Red Sox
had a winning year in 1986. The Kenmore Square Business Association asked
their graphic designer, Keith McHenry, to take a picture of a local black
man they passed each morning on their way to work. "We want you to make
a poster using his photo with a red circle and line across his face under
the title "Wanted out of Kenmore Square." The designer suggested
the association try another strategy. "I could share free meals in one of
the empty buildings on Landowns Street before each game. Maybe this would
reduce the number of people pan handling. There isn't any way we could
drive away Mr. Butch and his friends. After all his nick name is "The Mayor
of Kenmore Square" and Red Sox fans love him." When the Red Sox returned to
Fenway for the American League Playoffs, Food Not Bombs organized a
"Welcome to Kenmore Square" dinner in the park on Commonwealth Avenue,
greeting the fans and sharing vegetarian meals with Mr. Butch, and the
other people that called the reeds and bushes along the Fens home. The
association was not pleased and encouraged its members to end their
business relationship with the designer. Soon Keith was evicted from his
office and apartment , so he and his wife Andrea packed up their personal
belongings and drove south with their pets. Eric Wienburger, and those left
behind,continued to share meals and literature throughout the Boston area.
Decades later when Mr. Butch died, Red Sox fans held vigils in towns all
over New England. Eric worked for peace and social justice his entire life,
walking with Martin Luther King Jr. on the Freedom Marches and serving time
in prison where he staged a hunger strike for human rights. He dedicated
his last two decades of his life volunteering with Boston Food Not Bombs.
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