San Francisco Food Not Bombs started in February
1988 recovering food from several natural food groceries, produce
warehouses and bakeries that were delivered to the main soup kitchens in
town. The first action was to provide meals for ten days in protest to
nuclear testing at a temporary camp near Mercury, Nevada. Several
volunteers from Boston Food Not Bombs flew out to help prepare and serve
the meals at the protest. Another small group from Long Beach California
calling themselves Bread Not Bombs also showed to the anti-nuclear
protest. excited to meet Food Not Bombs they agreed to change their name
to Food Not Bombs. By April 1988 there were three chapters of Food Not
Bombs with total of no more then 30 volunteers. After the Reclaim the
Test Site protest the Food Not Bombs volunteers returned home to provide
their weekly meals and share literature about peace and social justice
issues. San Francisco Food Not Bombs started to share meals at the
corner of Haight and Stannyan at the entrance to Golden Gate Park. The
director of the Haight Ashbury Soup Kitchen stopped by the meal and
suggested Food Not Bombs could obtain a permit from the Recreation and
Parks Department. Food Not Bombs gave the department a letter requesting
a permit on July 11, 1988. Soon after giving the letter to the parks
commission the police started to stop by the meal to ask if we had our
permit. Food Not Bombs would visit the commissions office each week to
see about the permit but the staff had no information. On Monday, August
15, 1988 a squad of 45 riot police emerged from Golden Gate Park and
arrested nine volunteers for sharing food without a permit. The police
told the San Francisco Chronicle that they would be making the arrests
and a reporter and photographer arrived to cover the story. The article
came out the next morning with a large photo of riot police guarding the
food from the hungry. Police arrested 29 people the next week and on the
third Monday the San Francisco Police Spokesperson Jerry Senkier told
the media that they didn"t have a problem with Food Not Bombs
feeding the hungry. "There has to be some kind of (police) action.
At this point it seems to be a political statement on their part not a
food give away issue." That same week Mayor Art Agnos told the media
that “They [Food Not Bombs] feel they can manipulate the homeless issue
to set the stage for some kind of radical new social order.” The police
made 54 arrests on Labor Day. Members of mayor"s staff eagerly
reached out to Food Not Bombs to end the crisis and issued the group a
permit after two days of meeting. The Monday after the settlement with
the mayor the head of the Recreation and Parks Department Mary Burns
insisted that the permit required Food Not Bombs to set up in an area
surrounded by tall bushes where the meal and literature would be hidden
from public view. The first arrests inspired people to start Food
Not Bombs chapters in New York City, Washington D.C. and Victoria B.C.
The San Francisco group also added meals on Tuesday and Wednesday near
Civic Center Plaza.
My home phone was wiretapped a couple of weeks after the police
stopped arresting Food Not Bombs at Golden Gate Park. We had a permit
and should have been viewed as being a legally operating organization.
When we discovered that the police were listening to my phone we sued to
get a copy of the warrant. The govenment failed to proved a warrant so
it must be assumed they tapped my phone without benefit of a court
order. This provides evidence that the government's warrantless
spying didn't start started after the 9/11 attacks. I first learned
that the police were wiretapping my phone in a memo dated September 27,
1988 .
An internal police memo you can read here by
Police Captian Richard Holder claims, "During my investigation, I
was able to obtain the private phone number of "Food Not Bombs"
organizer, Keith McHenry, who unknowingly was a great asset to this
investigation." How it was that I "was a great asset" to
their investigation was and still is unclear to me. The memo reviews a
phone conversation between Food Not Bombs co-founders C.T. Lawrence
Butler and myslelf. We were both excited because for the first time in
the history of Food Not Bombswe would be sharing food at protests in
three cities on the same day.
Officer Holder got Mr. McHenry's home phone number from an informant
who overheard him giving it to
Starhawk after a meeting in Berkeley, California. Food Not Bombs
never planned "to blockade all the entrances to the Presidio"
and they didn't plan "to hold a meeting in the Page Street
Public Library at 19:30 hours on 10/04/88 to discuss demonstration
strategy and strategy for the upcoming permit hearing on October 20,
1988," as the memo claimed. In fact, the volunteers were simply
invited to speak at the regular monthly meeting of the Haight Ashbury
Neighborhood Council - where they planned to talk about organizing
neighborhood support at a public hearing about sharing food and
literature at the entrance to Golden Gate Park. Why they needed to send
an undercover cop to this meeting is unclear.
The local police captain attended the meeting every month and his report
was generally on the agenda of the City Council meeting. (The entire
memo can be found below). During almost ten years of civil and criminal
cases about the events in this memo no warrant was ever provided. A
videotape of the protests clearly shows a San Francisco Police officer
dressed similarly to myself throwing a barricade at a line of riot
police. It goes on to show the undercover cop pointing out people he
felt should be arrested to uniformed officers The activists appeared
upset with the undercover officer for pointing out the "leaders"
to be arrested.
At the end of the tape, you can see six riot police throwing Keith
McHenry to the ground and lifting him by his arms and legs. This act of
violence literally ripped his tendons and ligaments, leaving him to this
day in constant agony. In a trial about this event, the police expert
referred to this act of police violence as a "cross chest
takedown." For Mr. McHenry, it was the beginning of a series of
similar police assaults that have contributed to his living in daily
chronic severe pain that requires extensive medical assistance.
THE TEXT OF A SAN FRANCISCO POLICE DEPARTMENT WIRETAP
MEMO
Memorandum
San Francisco Police Department
To: Deputy Chief Frank Reed
Patrol Bureau
From: Acting Captain Richard Holder
Commanding Officer, Park Station
Date: Tuesday, 09/27/88
Subj:"Food Not Bombs"
ISSUE: Activity update.
Discussion:
A. As per your request, I have conducted an investigation regarding the
planned activity of the "Food Not Bombs" organization on October
15, 1988 at the Presidio. During my investigation, I was able to obtain
the private phone number of "Food Not Bombs" organizer, Keith
McHenry, who unknowingly was a great asset to this investigation.
B. "Food Not Bombs" current, and planned activity.
1. As part of a nationwide anti-war protest scheduled for October 15,
1988, "Food Not Bombs", plans to blockade all the entrances to
the Presidio to support
similar activity at the Pentagon and other military organizations. The
goal is to shut down the Presidio all day by blocking and feeding
demonstrators at the gates to the post. "Food Not Bombs"
anticipates that this demonstration will draw more participants, 3000,
than the last major demonstration at the Presidio on 03/26/88.
2. "Food Not Bombs" plans to hold a meeting in the Page Street
Public Library at 1930 hours on 10/04/88 to discuss demonstration
strategy and strategy for the upcoming permit hearing on October 20,
1988.
Deputy Chief Frank Reed
Patrol Bureau
Page 2
Subject: "Food Not Bombs"
3. In an effort to boost its strength "Food Not Bombs" has join
forces with the Circle "A" Cluster group, the "Nuremberg
Action" group, and the Walnut Creek Peace Center.
4. The founder of "Food Not Bombs", Lawrence Butler a.k.a.
"CT" has flown in from the east coast to assist in the planning.
Concluson:
The currant activity of "Food Not Bombs" indicates that the
group plans yet another confrontation with the police. The three groups
now in alliance with "Food Not Bombs" are all involved in the
Concord Naval Weapons Depot demonstrations, are all advocates of civil
disobedience tactics, and non-cooperation with law enforcement agencies.
Recommodation:
A. That liaison be developed between the San Francisco Police Department
Intelligence Unit, and Sgt. Ovid Holmes of the Contra Costa County
Sheriff's
Department Intelligence Unit. Sgt. Ovid has worked the three anti-war
groups now in alliance with "Food Not Bombs".
B. That the Intelligence Unit monitor the October 4th meeting scheduled
by "Food Not Bombs".
attachments:
- "Food Not Bombs" history
- "Food Not Bombs" future actions
- Anti-war group phone listings
- "Food Not Bombs" menu
- Blockade bulletin
- "Food Not Bombs" information bulletin
002447
The "liaison (be) developed between the San Francisco Police
Department Intelligence Unit, and Sgt. Ovid Holmes of the Contra Costa
County Sheriff's Department Intelligence Unit."
Food Not Bombs arrived at the Richardson Gate of the Presidio of San
Francisco on October 15, 1988 with rice, fruit salad, a vegetable stew
and bagels. While we shared meals hundreds of other protesters set up a
symbolic El Salvadorian village in the road leading to the Golden Gate
Bridge to protest the war on the people of Central America. The Blue
Angels preformed acrobatics over the San Francisco Bay in celebration
of Columbus as riot police arrested the peace activists. One activist
brought a video camera and filmed the protest. At one point she captured
footage of a man throwing a section of the police barricades at a line
of riot police. She also filmed that same man walking through the
remaining crowed pointing out the leaders to officers that would
handcuff them and lead them to a police van. The crowd starts to yell at
the plain clothes officer but the camera swings away from that
confrontation to film several riot police smashing me to the pavement
pulling me to the street by my neck. A review of the film shows that the
officer tossing the police barricade is dressed just like me. Of course
I was charged with throwing the barricade at the police.
It soon became clear that the police had three shifts of officers
that grew their hair like me and owned a duplication of my waredrobe. At
strategic times an officer dressed like me would commit a crime a block
or two from where I would be walking. I would be arrested for the
officers crime and held for a few days. Police reports would always
include a description of what I was wharing matching the clothing of the
officer.
I would also be arrested for driving on a suspended drivers lisence
always at the most inconvenuent time. Once released I would go to the
department of motor vehicles where I would be told that my lisence was
not suspended. When I went to register my truck I would always discover
I had hundreds of dollars in unpaid parking tickets that I was not aware
I had been issued. I would work off my fines, obtain the abstract
showing I was able to register my truck from Parking and Traffic yet
some how I would be issued several hundred dollars in new parking
tickets while driving to the Department of Motor Vehicles. I repeated
this pattern a couple of times before I could register the truck I used
to transport food. This pattern also happened year after year.
I finally discovered how this was happening when the case of Roy Bullock
and Tom Gerard was made public. Dan Evans of The San Francisco Examiner
wrote an article printed on April 1, 2002 on "on the hidden workings
of the Anti-Defamation League and how three Bay Area activists were able
to uncover a spy operation that reached into the San Francisco Police
Department." Mr. Evens goes on to say that "The files included
Social Security numbers, driver's license numbers, addresses, phone
numbers and group memberships. Some of the information was sold to
foreign governments, including Israeli and South African intelligence
groups." The list of files included two entries about Food Not Bombs
and myself under the heading "Pinko." San Francisco Police
officer Tom Gerard worked in the departments intelligence division and
provided information to Roy Bullock of the ADL. During the investigation
into allegations of this spy operation the police entered Tom
Gerard's locker at his office and discovered photos and documents
showing that Gerard had worked for the CIA in El Salvador. Some of the
photos show Tom Gerard standing next to a line of men sitting on chairs
with black bags over their heads. I received over 700 pages of this
investigation, which included these pictures and documents. Evans goes
on, "By his own admission, Bullock had been working off the books as
a fact-finder for the ADL since the mid-1960's. He would infiltrate
not only openly anti-Semitic groups, but also pro-Palestinian and
anti-apartheid organizations, usually under false pretenses. Bullock,
who is not Jewish, would then pass that information along to the
ADL."
The article goes on, "He received information about his targets from
former San Francisco Police Inspector Tom Gerard, who fled to the Philippines after being
indicted in 1994 for illegal use of a police computer. Gerard's
current whereabouts are unknown."
Evans' story continues, "On April 8, 1993, armed with this
information, police in San Francisco and Los Angeles searched the ADL
offices in those two cities. In San Francisco, roughly 10 banker's
boxes of information -- 75 percent of which officers said was illegally
obtained -- were seized."
"A majority of data in those boxes confirmed police suspicions that
it had come from Bullock's computer. On that computer was
information on 9,876 people, including 1,394 driver's licenses. The
files were divided into five categories: "Pinko,"
"Right," " Arabs," "Skins," and "ANC,"
the last standing for African National Congress."
Tom Gerard
was singled out as the one bad officer in the department yet he was
clearly hired to disrupt activists in San Francisco.
Fear of a U.S.
attack on Iraq had been building. The first President Bush threatened to
start the assault on Martin Luther King Jr's birthday, January 16,
1991. Activists all over the country planned major protests that evening
if he made good his promises. We had prepared lots of food and planned
to share it with the protesters outside the Chevron World Headquarters
on Market Street. I stopped by a friend's apartment at 24th Avenue and
Treat in the Mission District to listen to the news to see if he would
order the attack and after listening for half an hour NPR reported that
America was bombing Bagdad. My friend and I rushed out to my truck to
deliver the food but all four of the truck's tires were flat. Food
Not Bombs had an old bread truck parked a couple of blocks away so I ran
over to get it but the cables to the distributor cap were cut. After
about an hour we finally found a workable vehicle to transport the food.
That same year New Society Publishers asked us to write a book about
the idea behind Food Not Bombs and how one would start a group. My first
book Food Not Bombs How to Feed The Hungry and Build Community was
published in time for our first Food Not Bombs gathering held in San
Francisco on October 10 -12, 1992. A local Food Not Bombs volunteer
offered to help build a website for Food Not Bombs and upload the text
of the book on to the site. I gave him a copy of the computer file of
the book to upload. I was very impressed by the design and was
encouraged that people all over the world would have access. Author
Sandor Ellix Katz sent me an email in 2005 seeking permission to use a
section of the book in his new project " The Revolution Will Not Be
Microwaved: Inside America's Underground Food Movements." I was
interested to see what he planned to use and asked him to email me the
section. I was shocked. I would have never used many of the terms
included in the text he sent and it conveyed a more conservative message
then I would have intended. I asked him were he found the text and he
told me he took it directly from our website. I compared each paragraph
in the hard copy of my book and the version on line and it turned out
that each paragraph had been carefully rewritten to provide a more
conservative message. Many of the nouns were changed to be insulting to
people of color or other communities. It had been cleverly organized so
it appeared at first glance to be the same book I had provided as a
computer file to the volunteer. That same man also took a number of
other actions that should have tipped us off to the fact that he may not
have had the best interest of Food Not Bombs in mind. One of the most
devastating might have been the yelling of racists insults at several
African American police officer just as our legal observer Van Jones
arrived to support us. Even though we tried to silence the racist
remarks it was too late. Van Jones not only stopped volunteering he told
people that some of the activists working with Food Not Bombs were
racist.
Racism was used in another devastating way. We had an African American
volunteer who was always eager to help by driving our van to the cook
house to collect the prepared meals. The cooks would wait growing
nervous that they would be late with the food. At the same time
volunteers would be standing at Civic Center Plaza trying to maintain
calm as the hungry grew restless waiting for dinner. Unfortunately the
food would not arrive. Our volunteer driver would park our vehicle in
someones driveway on the way to pick up the food and of course it would
be towed. No other volunteers had this problem but some how our African
American drive had a very difficult time finding it in himself to park
legally. We suggested that he not be given the responsibility of driving
the van after the fifth or sixth time he lost one of our vehicles but
this was blocked. He also had a problem of driving over the Bay Bridge
on the way from the Haight Ashbury to City Hall often being three or
four hours late. The food would be cold and most of the people who came
to eat had left. Any attempt to keep him from driving was met with
accusations of racism. Any suggestion that we would never let a white
person cause so much chaos was also attacked as being racist. The group
was growing frustrated as volunteers quit discouraged that their meals
were not making it to the hungry. Then one day when several of us had to
appear in court we happened to see our volunteer on the witness stand in
an adjacent court room. He testified he was a confidential informant
working for the San Francisco Police. Even though he was not testifying
in a Food Not Bombs case it was clear we were another target of his
employment. He never returned to to help finally solving our problem. We
didn't lose another van.
In early 1994 I was framed on several violent and serious felonies
and faced 25 to life in prison. While in jail waiting for trial and
hoping for bail a couple of volunteers meet with the police and agreed
to reduce our schedule from twice a day seven days a week to three times
a week and move our location from United Nations Plaza to a construction
site a few blocks from City Hall. Fortunately the rest of the group
rejected the plan. I was finally bailed out and after a number of false
starts I found a judge willing to agree to a very good plea bargain. I
still worried that my probation might be violated and started to go on
tour to stay away from the grip of the San Francisco Police.
I helped
share meals with Fort Worth Food Not Bombs on the day I was to speak at
a local club. One of the organizers announced that Keith McHenry would
be speaking at the Garage and everyone was invited. One of the men that
came to eat turned to me and said " I know that guy Keith McHenry. The
reason Food Not Bombs only serves vegetain food is because McHenry takes
the meat and sells it. He used the money to buy a mansion in Marin
California." I had been told this a couple times before I faced life in
prison but always when I was in San Francsico so hearing this rumor in
Texas was quite a shock. People still tell me that I have a mansion in
Marin. One of the men that negotiated to move the San Francisco Food Not
Bombs meal out of sight was so frustrated that I wouldn't support his
effort he started to tell anyone that would listen including people with
video cameras that I stold $27,000 of the $25,000 that Green Day had
donated to San Francisco Food Not Bombs. This has also been an effective
smear making it difficult to raise money for things like providing food
to the survivors of Katrina. You will even hear I am getting rich
selling copies of the book Hungry For Peace or that I am stashing away
millions of dollars from speakers fees. Unfortunatly I have had to live
on the streets and feel I have to donate even what little money I make
from graphic design to Food Not Bombs to help discourage the rumors. We
hired an accountant at one point but we had to pay her all the money we
raised because the office I volunteer with had so little money it wasn't
worth counting so she agreed to quit.
One day in 1997 I picked up the phone in my bed room on Spruce
Street in San Francisco and dialed a number returning a call from
someone interested in helping Food Not Bombs. Instead of ringing at the
supporters phone there was a recording. "Please deposit 35
cents." It didn't seem right. I had paid the bill for this phone
every month since 1987. I dialed again and again a recording asked me to
deposit 35 cents. I found a copy of the Yellow Pages located the number
to Pac Bell and dialed their number for phone repair. Again I was asked
to deposit 35 cents. Next to the number I just dialed was a listing for
611 phone repair. I dialed that and a nice woman answered. I told her
that I was being asked to pay 35 cents even though I was using a
personal phone in my bed room. She tested the line and reported that I
was indeed calling from a pay phone. I explained that I paid a bill for
the phone. She insisted that my phone was a pay phone. I went off to
work but when I returned home I tried again and still it asked me to
deposit 35 cents. The next morning I tried again and still no luck. I
called 611 and they assured me I was calling from a pay phone. Remember
regular people like me didn't have cell phones in 1997 so I had to use
my roommates phone to call any number other then 611. Not one person at
Pac Bell could help. One office agreed I had paid a monthly bill for
nearly ten years but they also were very certain I was calling from a
pay phone. Day after day passed always started with an effort to dial my
phone. Each evening I tried again and borrowed my roommates phone to
seek help from the phone company. After several weeks I decided to call
the new Chief of Police Fred Lau. He and I had a good relationship. As a
captain he was one of the few officers that refused to arrest us for
sharing food. I also attended the funeral of one of his best friends
Police Commander Isaiah Nelson. Soon after he became Chief, Mr. Lau
invited me to call him any time I had a problem with the department so
frustrated I gave it a try. I borrowed my roommates phone again and
dialed the Chief. To my surprise his assistant put me through. "Thanks
for taking my call. I know that the police don't ever wiretap phones but
for some reason my home phone has become a pay phone. Would you be able
to help?" He told me he would look into it. Thirty minutes after I hung
up with the Chief a white utility van arrived outside my apartment. The
van had California plates but no other identification. a workman in
civilian clothing climbed out, took a ladder off a roof rack and set it
up against the telephone pole outside my place. Once he reached the top
the garage door rose at the house across Spruce Street from my home. Two
men were sitting at two six foot folding tables. They both sat facing my
apartment typing on computers. They also wore large head phones that
were plugged into their computers. The man to my left would look up from
his computer and raise his finger to the man on the ladder who would
return and do something to a box where the phone lines passed through
high on the pole. This happened a couple of times then the man on the
ladder gave the two men in the garage a thumbs up. The guys on the
computers waved back and the garage door rattled close the two men never
once getting up from their seats. I rushed into my room picked up my
phone and dialed the Chief. This time the recording was gone. I thanked
him and never again had trouble making calls.
Soon after I resolved the pay phone crisis I headed out on the
UnFree Trade Tour with a Food Not Bombs volunteer named Seth and three
anti-globilzation activists from Spain. A few weeks before the tour was
to start we lost our translator and her school bus so we had to scramble
to rent a van and find people that could speak both Spanish and English.
We also discoved 30 days before the first event in San Francisco that
the three Europeans would be landing at LAX in Los Angeles. Even with
these obsticles we made it to the first presentations in the San
Francsco Bay Area which were well attended. After the Bay Area events we
drove north speaking in Northern California Oregon, and Washington. When
we arreved at the Cnandian border on October 12, 1997 I was ordered out
of the van and directed to a back room by the Candaian authorities. They
asked me about what had happend on April 19, 1993 and so on. They had a
huge stack of papers they would look through as they asked each
question. I told them that they were probably the the dates when I was
arrested for sharing food. I asked for permission to get a copy of my
book and they walked me out to the van where I showed them a copy
pointing out photos of our having been arrested for feeding the hungry.
After a while they became amused and let us go.
After a few more stops Seth pointed out that each evening something odd
would happen. One night a 11:30 PM an insurance agent came to measure
the ceilings of the apartment where Food Not Bombs lived. There were
midnight UPS deliveries to unknown people. I agreed to help one of the
Spanards to email home. This required a process called telnet and was
always very difficult to organize. I was setting up his email at the
University of Toronoto when the Spanish activist arrived very upset. He
claimed all his money had been stolen out of the van and needed the key
to get in. We rushed back to the vehicle and unlocked it. It seemed that
nothing was out of place but he unpacked the back came to his suitcase
opened it up and took out another bag opened it and inside was a wallet.
He held it up and in Spainish explained all the money had been taken.
That evening we spoke to a packed house of over 200 people. Just before
the presenation two Toronto Police asked if I was Keith McHenry. It was
clear they knew who I was so I said yes and asked if I could help
thinking maybe they had found our friends money or something but instead
they asked me what we planned to talk about. We started to hear that our
Spainsh friend was emailing a daily log to a woman in New York City that
would translate his message and forward it to a number of email lists.
Each Food Not Bombs group would report that they had recieved news that
we had not eaten in days so they would make us a huge feast. Then the
next night we would be greeted by another group of Food Not Bombs
activists once again concerned that we hadn't eaten in days. They would
also have a huge amount of food carefully prepared wanting to be good
hosts. They would also give us bags of food to take on the drive to the
next venue. Even though we had too much to eat the emails continued to
report that we were going hungry. The emails were also claiming I was
responsible for failing to provide food to our tour members making very
ugly accusations. Back in San Francisco one of the volunteers that
helped organize the tour was growing more and more angry that I was
being so disrespectful to our Spainsh guests based on this daily report.
Once the tour eneded the San Francisco activists proposed I be kicked
out of Food Not Bombs. Each week he would request that an agenda item
about my being banned from the movemnet would discuss the proposal. By
this time I wasn't in San Francisco making it difficult to respond to
the issue.
I went to the founding conference of the Peoples Global
Agenda in Geneva, Switzerland. Between meetings I joined the other Food
Not Bombs activists in staffing our literature table. One day several
activist from Spain asked me to attend a meeting at their hotel. I
arrived that evening. They asked me to sit at the head of a room off the
lobby. About 30 people from Spaing sat before me. One of the men
introduced me to the group and then said they had seen some news clips
with photos of a man from Spain in my scrap book. How did I know this
man they asked. I told them I went on a tour with me but we didn't get
along. They asked why I had not done a back ground check on him. He was
Spains most natorius Inter Pol Agent. One by one they share stories
about his work to disrupt the anti-globalization and environmental
movements. One woman reported that her best friend was so distrurbed
working with him that she placed herself in a mental hospital. They told
me he was the informant in El Grupo that tipped off the police to their work in ETA.
Two of the three Americans involved in the UnFree Trade Tour have disappeared.
We stopped in at the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee in Lawrence,
Kansas at a time when the staff person was closing the office down. The
phone was about to be shut off, there was an eviction notice on the
office door and the staff person was loading all his paintings into her
car. Leonard Peltier is a well loved political prisoner doing two life
sentences for his participation in defending the people of the Pine
Ridge Reservation in 1975. I spoke to Leonard and told him the news. He
was in a panic and asked me to save his defense committee. I stayed
until some of my friends could replace me. I returned to San Francisco
picked up some of my belongings and arraigned to have my partner cover
my business obligations while I went to Kansas to reorganize
Leonard's office.
A few months after I moved to Lawrence, Kansas the man that I would
later learn had sabotaged the web version of my book and had negotiated
with the city to reduce our meals to three times a week found another
effective way to destroy Food Not Bombs. He discarded the group's
banners and literature. He also waged an email campaign on the Food Not
Bombs list serv claiming that we would be more effective if we focused
only on the food and stopped setting out literature. Before long San
Francisco Food Not Bombs was finding it difficult to provide meals seven
days a week twice a day as we had been doing for the past five years.
Six months after I left San Francisco Food Not Bombs had moved its meal
time from Noon and 5:00 PM seven days a week to 7:00 PM three nights a
week. We stopped providing food to several hundred people twice a day to
sharing meals with 20 or 30 people three times a week. Instead of
feeding more people the strategy reduced the number of people we helped
from four or five thousand a week to less then a hundred a week.
People would call me to find out where San Francisco Food Not Bombs was
sharing its meals claiming they had gone to the location listed on the
website but found that it was a church group that was providing food at
that time and location. I was not able to return to San Francisco when
the Leonard Peltier Defense Committee closed so I became active in the
Kansas City Food Not Bombs group then moved to Tucson and helped
there.
A journalist from Australia emailed me to say she was making a film
about Food Not Bombs and wanted to visit America. Of course she wanted
to film San Francisco Food Not Bombs since it was so prominent having
been arrested over 1,000 times. When we arrived two volunteers were
struggling to prepare two plastic buckets of soup. We joined them down
at United Nations Plaza where they ladled out their soup to the handful
of hungry people that had arrived for dinner. Several young people
handed out flyers inviting those eating to attend their church service.
Since the meal started at 7:00 PM very few people walked by. There was
no banner or literature to inform the public that the meal was
associated with Food Not Bombs. When the volunteers were asked why they
didn't bring a banner of flyers that explained it was too difficult
to do that and bring food too. I suggested they would have many more
volunteers if people knew who they were and could contact them. I
suggested they move the meal to 5:00 PM when thousands of people would
walk past. The film maker was not impressed. How could these two buckets
of soup be such a threat that the government would spend tens of
thousands maybe even millions of dollars to stop it.
One volunteer Susie Cagle produced a graphic novel Nine Gallons that accurately
showed San Francisco Food Not Bombs during this era. I spoke with her
after I read Nine Gallons. She had never visited any other Food Not
Bombs group and also knew that the San Francisco chapter was famous
because of the arrests but had no idea that the project she worked with
was not the Food Not Bombs that had been active for two decades before
infiltrators discarded the banner and literature and moved the meal time
to 7:00 PM. It turned out the authorities had not only been successful
at making San Francisco completely ineffective and invisible by
targeting the best know chapter they were able to have a negative impact
on other chapters. People would visit San Francisco Food Not Bombs and
reproduce the idea they had seen. Two buckets of soup and no banner or
literature. Chapter after chapter became nothing more then a charity.
The goal of organizing to change society so no one would have to stand
in line to seek a meal at a soup kitchen was eliminated. At the same
time this vision of Food Not Bombs as charity was reflected in our
Wikipedia entry. All attempts to correct the Food Not Bombs entry in
Wikipedia have failed. As soon as an accurate description of Food Not
Bombs is posted it is removed by the authorities and replaced with the
governments idea of who they want us to be.
When the government discovers a Food Not Bombs group is political,
displays a banner and sets out literature they will send someone to
suggest that the volunteers could feed more people if they change the
name to Feed Boulder or Feed Milwaukee. In each case where the
volunteers adopt this suggestion the group stops sharing meals after a
couple of weeks.
Once we realized at the government was sabotaging Food Not Bombs by
encouraging volunteer to believe that banners and literature were not
important we have worked hard to remind all Food Not Bombs volunteers
that we are only effective if we are sharing our message and inviting
the public to join us in organizing for social change. When groups start
to display a banner and set out literature they find that they attract
more volunteers and food donations and provide more food to more people.
Your group isn't a Food Not Bombs group if is doesn't have literature
and a banner at every meal.
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